A City Sings in December
'500, 300, 100, 50?’ the man at the counter asked me, sounding rude and disinterested at once.
‘50,’ I murmured unsurely. I was on a student budget – just killing time for an hour before I had to meet a friend. I handed him the cash – pretty much everything I had in my pocket at the time – and he tore the ticket out with care that belied his earlier impatience. Then, going back to his standard mode, he threw the ticket onto the counter and looked steadfastly at some papers on his table.
I picked it up and had barely turned around when I noticed a book for sale at the counter called Souvenir. I still don’t know why I asked for it. ‘50,’ he said, without even looking up from his papers. I didn’t have the money for it. I thanked him vaguely and left.
I went to the door nearest to the counter, where a boy scout who looked too old to be one directed me upstairs. There, I met another boy scout who guided me further towards the sky. Finally, at the highest door of the Madras Music Academy, my 50-rupee ticket was honoured, and I was allowed to enter its hallowed halls.
It was a prime-slot evening concert in the middle of the fabled ‘music season’ of the city of Chennai. The season, featuring Southern Indian classical music and dance — Carnatic music and Bharatanatyam — and a smattering of Tamil drama, is like what some of us know as the ‘drawn-out ten-thousand-wala Diwali cracker’. It starts sometime in late November, picks up pace in the first two weeks of December, explodes into sheer madness of over a hundred concerts a day in all kinds of venues in the last fortnight of December, and splutters to a stop mid-January. Concerts are organised by sabhas – largely, not-for-much-profit organisations; the bigger ones among them have their own halls. Surprisingly, this annual spectacle has no central controlling authority. Each sabha acts on its own, choosing the artistes it wants to feature and slotting them for dates and times convenient to them, like an army of chefs working independently to serve up an overwhelming smorgasbord.
This brings me to the question – is it possible for one person or organisation to conceive of, monitor and execute an event of 1200 performances, lecture-demonstrations and workshops of dance, drama and music, featuring over 600 artistes at more than 50 venues across a city? I don’t think so. With such a state of affairs, the season could only have grown in the disorganised manner in which it did, each sabha adding its own tentacle to this already multi-headed hydra.
To this day, the Music Academy is considered — by artistes and listeners alike — to be the most prestigious in the region. The Academy’s auditorium is impressive and imposing. It has a solemn air, and like the Chidambaram Stadium, that other venerable Madras institution, the audience is described with an edifying term — ‘knowledgeable’.
The concert that evening was by N. Ravikiran, the chitravina artiste who grew from being a child prodigy to one with an aura of redoubtable scholarship. His music as well as his prolific stature seemed to fit the grandness of the Academy. However, sitting in the higher echelons of the balcony at the Academy, I could see that like a typical Carnatic concert venue, the stage had so many things carelessly strewn about. The violinist’s magenta violin box lay on her left, prominently and uselessly taking up space; the mridangam player’s cover was just next to him, so was an extra mridangam and its cover. There were three other bags, a sruti box cover, and a disorganised mesh of wires. It looked like the artistes landed up and in a hurry to start the performance, did not bother to tidy up the stage.
Carnatic music, oddly and thankfully, is anything but disorganised — it is obsessed with rules, its practice demands discipline, its performance is couched in a well-defined structure.
Every composition is in a definite raga and is set to a particular tala. A raga is sometimes described as a scale, especially when being introduced to Western audiences, but actually is much more. While ragas are generally a unique arrangement of particular solfa notes – sa, ri, ga, ma, pa, dha, ni (similar to do, re, mi, fa, so, la, ti), they are almost always better characterised by their distinctive phrases and the microtonal oscillations or glides (called ‘gamakas’) that adorn their notes. Many of the traditional ragas were derived from melodies, and rules were drawn from what came in compositions. Today, however, it is the other way around – the rules of the raga, passed on through the ages, are used to develop melodies. Ragas are, therefore, the heart and soul of all Carnatic music. Practitioners of the art spend their lifetimes understanding the scope and limitations of various ragas, studying, meditating, improvising and probing their rules over years and years of hard practice to find new musical meaning.
Since the rules of ragas are interpreted and reinterpreted by musicians – some of them highly original, some rebellious, some more bound by theory, some led on by musicality – they have acquired new colours over the years. Raga Abheri, for instance, used a lower ‘da’ note for centuries until some musicians started using the higher ‘da’ note, around the turn of the 20th century. Today, the latter version is considered the standard, and the earlier version is sung, sometimes, as but an experiment. Carnatic music, in some ways, is like law, with its codes of privileges and honours and its own set of loopholes, which can be twisted or reinterpreted, perhaps with time, even amended and rewritten.
Carnatic music, therefore, has a strange relationship with tradition. Like any classical art, it carries the baggage of ancient roots. Tracing its origins, although tenuously, to the Sama Veda (around 1200 BC) and slightly more directly to Bharata’s Natyashastra (around 200 BC), the music evolved through two millennia in South India, reaching an early version of the currently recognised form between the 15th and 17th centuries. This was around the time when Purandara Dasa, a composer- saint from modern-day Karnataka, standardised the introductory exercises to Carnatic music and composed simple songs that are taught to beginners of Carnatic music to this day.
The theorists and composers of this era laid down the groundwork for the next big moment in the evolution of Carnatic music through the composer trinity of Tyagaraja, Muthuswamy Dikshitar and Syama Sastri, all contemporaries in the 18th and 19th centuries in the Thanjavur district of Southern Tamil Nadu. Interestingly, it was around the same time that Mozart, Bach, and Beethoven were giving Western classical music a new shape and its modern look. A bulk of today’s Carnatic music repertoire consists mainly of the works of these composers and those that followed them. The compositions predating this era are rare and almost forgotten.
Oddly, there is evidence to suggest that Carnatic music might have changed vastly between the time of the trinity and today. Even amongst the trinity, Tyagaraja and Syama Sastri followed a particular scheme of ragas, which was not followed by Muthuswamy Dikshitar, who preferred an earlier scheme. Dikshitar’s scheme was inherited by his adopted grand-nephew, Subbarama Dikshitar, who compiled the monumental musicological work, Sangita Sampradaya Pradarsini, detailing painstakingly the theory and philosophy behind music, biographies of musicians and musicologists, and most importantly, raga lakshanas — the rules that define various ragas, along with notations of compositions in each raga.
While notating compositions, Subbarama Dikshitar faced a problem, typical of Indian music, of having to represent microtonal oscillations, the gamakas, which were not one note or the other. They were small wavers, exaggerated slides between notes, small spikes to halftones, or other such musical meanderings that were hitherto only passed on by ear. Notation, until this point, was just a slightly broader guideline. But Subbarama Dikshitar wanted to do more. He wanted to represent his school of music fully in the notation, and decided to devise a system of notating the gamakas. After much study, he classified the gamakas into certain pigeonholes and came up with a symbol for each type. He used these symbols in conjunction with the notes to notate compositions and raga theory along with their gamaka symbols. The result was a clunky notation that could not be read by sight. Several musicians and musicologists have come up with newer systems to notate gamakas, the latest being a ‘gamaka box’ invented by vocalist-pianist Ramesh Vinayakam. Still, most musicians stick to the barebones style of writing the notes and learning the gamakas by ear.
TM Krishna, one of the leading vocalists of our times, attempted to recreate the music of Muthuswamy Dikshitar’s times — the late 18th and early 19th centuries — by singing compositions from the Sangita Sampradaya Pradarsini following the gamaka symbols to the tee. The result was that many familiar ragas sounded hauntingly unfamiliar, odd, or just plain wrong to the modern ear. Did the aesthetics of traditional Carnatic music, a tradition that was zealously guarded by musical families and transmitted by ear from generation to generation with extreme emphasis on exactitude and perfection, change unrecognizably in just three or four generations? Was it a case of Chinese Whispers? Or was it just that even the most comprehensive gamaka notating symbols of the Pradarsini were not accurate enough to represent the subtleties of Carnatic music? Amongst Carnatic music historians, theorists and practitioners, opinion is divided, and for this reason, the idea of posterity in music is an all important yet problematic one till this date.
Whatever the answer to the gamaka conundrum may be, there is really no doubt that Carnatic music has evolved with time, and that its present form is not what it was even at the turn of the century. Politics, social history, religion and technology have been the key agents of change. The content of what Ravikiran performed that evening at the Academy, the format for the concert, the woman violinist accompanying him, and the Academy itself, are the products of these transformations.
Carnatic music, in the times of the trinity, had three major strands. First: upper-caste Brahmin men, such as the trinity themselves, who learnt the music formally, usually from other musicians in the Brahmin guru-shishya tradition. The music of this school tended to be religious and patronised by local kings. The second group was temple musicians — men who played the nadaswaram, a reeded wind instrument and the tavil, a two-headed drum. They were attached to temples, came from lower castes that specialised in music or were from certain musical families. While the content of the music was often similar to that of the first school, and they did play a lot of vocal compositions, the nadaswaram players often played music that had no lyrical content. The style was free flowing and heavily improvisational, as they had to play for hours together. The third category was that of devadasi women. The term ‘devadasi’ implied a woman dedicated to the deity of the temple through music and dance. The music of this school, perhaps influenced by the dance that it accompanied, was more emotional, and did not restrict itself to religious themes. The Lord was often imagined as the dancer’s hero, and the content of the art, both music and lyrics, was often romantic and erotic.
In the second half of the 19th century, with the British taking firm grip over South India, the kings who patronised musicians in their courts and temples lost their power and wealth and could not continue doing so. The nadaswaram players and the devadasis suffered directly because of this.
Many of the devadasis were forced into prostitution. Overzealous reformists who did not understand the devadasi system, and who believed that it was only a forced entrapment of women, banned the system instead of advocating measures to protect women’s rights within the system. The reformists failed to see that from as far back as the Vijayanagar Empire in the 14th and 15th centuries AD, devadasi women were held in high esteem. Domingo Paes, a 16th century Portuguese traveler, notes that these women were the only ones allowed to eat betel with the king, and that their streets had the best rows of houses. He also notes, however, that these women were of ‘loose character’, applying Western morality to a matrilineal system he could not comprehend. The reformists two centuries later made the same mistake, although in circumstances where the devadasis were worse off than they were earlier. As a consequence, art suffered, and that school of music and dance all but disappeared except for a handful of families, most notably the Veena Dhanammal clan, that held on to the tradition through the years.
The rise of the British in the bigger cities like Madras pushed many businessmen there. Some of these men became patrons of music. Carnatic music began moving out of the temples and courts and into the towns and cities. The English-educated Brahmin classes moved to these towns to serve the British. Even though they adopted the customs of the British, this middle class sought to find a way to keep in touch with what they thought were their traditions. Many of them forced musical learning on their children, a practice followed to this day. Brahmin musicians slowly began to move to the cities to seize these opportunities as teachers and performers. Madras grew in stature as the capital of Carnatic music. Mysore and Travancore, which still had fairly prosperous musician- composer rulers and a number of renowned court musicians, established themselves as secondary centres of music.
The modern concert format, of a performance in a hall on a stage was a direct result of this urbanisation of Carnatic music. The concert format, earlier made for courts and temples, adapted itself to the stage and the confines of a time-bound kutcheri. Ariyakudi Ramanuja Iyengar, a trailblazer in the first half of the 20th century, invented this format, sprinkling his concerts with a little bit of everything, making the kutcheri a space where artistic exploration takes place within the boundaries of entertainment for an audience. The audiences loved this format so much that it became the standard. Funnily, when modern musicians question this format or tamper with it, the same bogeyman – tradition – is used to criticise them.
While Brahmin musicians and their school of music were able to adapt to the ways of the city, and the requirements of kutcheri music, the nadaswaram players were not able to make this shift. Barring a few top musicians, they either remained in the temples they were attached to or took up other careers, playing the nadaswaram only as a means of keeping in touch with their roots. In Madras and the other bigger towns of South India, Brahmin audiences, Brahmin concert organisers and Brahmin musicians formed a clique from which the other castes began to feel left out.
It was in this milieu that the music season was born. The Music Academy’s December 1927 conference was the first of its sort. But the season as we know it, with multiple sabhas holding concerts and conferences at the same time, started in 1933 when the Indian Fine Arts Society entered the fray to host a competing conference. Sabhas, with December festivals of their own, mushroomed over the years, their rate of growth remaining robust even through the recession to make the season what it is today. Even though the music season is the largest of its kind in the world, the size hides the fact that, by and large, the same musicians perform at every sabha. Apart from the big names, the rest draw partisan crowds. The audience at some of the morning performances, especially at the smaller sabhas, is embarrassing. Each sabha has its own loyal audience, but the floating audience is usually the same at all the sabhas.
More importantly, the season is very exclusionary. Brahmins make up only about five per cent of society, but they form most of the musicians and most of the audience for the concerts. Nadaswaram players, who were still revered by co-musicians around the 1920s and ’30s for their improvisational brilliance, are now relegated to mangala isai — auspicious music to mark the beginning or end of a concert series at a sabha. The sheen or standard of their music has not dropped an ounce. Musicians from the devadasi tradition are a rarity. They are seen as exotic, and often patronisingly celebrated. The season is big, the season is mad, but the season is a unique product of subtle social exclusion.
Carnatic music is no longer the music of the people because, at some point, it excluded everyone but certain kinds of people, an inheritance of a long-winded history of class, caste and tradition mixed in with the purity of music. The variety in the art form has reduced, and a sameness has set in amongst musicians. For centuries, Carnatic music was a contemporary art drawing from a wealth of traditions. If it has to continue to be so, it must inspire people of different backgrounds. It needs rule-benders, it needs mad scientists, it needs people who question its foundations.